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Friday, April 7, 2023

Salafi-Jihadi Movement Weekly Update, April 5, 2023

 


Authors: Brian Carter, Liam Karr, Kathryn Tyson, and Peter Mills

To receive the Salafi-Jihadi Movement Weekly Update via email, please subscribe here. Follow CTP on Twitter, LinkedIn, and Facebook.

Data Cutoff: April 5, 2023, at 10 a.m.

Contributor: Will Harvey

Key Takeaways:

Iraq and Syria. The Iraqi Kurdish Peshmerga and Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) will likely remain unable to address coordination issues on the line of control between Iraqi Kurdistan and federal Iraq, likely enabling ISIS to continue its low-grade insurgency in Iraq’s disputed internal boundaries (DIB). ISIS uses the unsecured areas between Iraqi Kurdistan and federal Iraq to enable attacks against urban areas, such as Kirkuk city, and to resupply its attack cells across eastern Iraq. The coordination issues between the ISF and Kurdish Peshmerga will likely continue indefinitely without a political solution to the DIB issue, as stipulated under the 2005 Iraqi constitution.

Burkina Faso. The Burkinabe junta has significantly increased drone strikes targeting al Qaeda and Islamic State–affiliated militants since late March 2023 to compensate for manpower capacity limitations and boost its popular support. The drone strikes may temporarily degrade the insurgents’ support zones and their ability to organize large-scale attacks on Burkinabe forces. However, both groups will likely adapt to continue attacks, and the junta’s use of drone strikes will not address the inherent manpower shortage that constrains Burkina Faso’s counterinsurgency operations.

Mali. Al Qaeda–linked militants have continued attacking Malian security forces in the region surrounding Mali’s capital since it launched an offensive in the area in January 2023. The campaign demonstrates the militants’ ability to sustain attacks in southern Mali and increases the likelihood that they have established support zones near the Malian capital. The group likely seeks to primarily discredit and undermine the junta’s legitimacy with this campaign and will likely focus on military targets over civilian targets to achieve this goal. 

Afghanistan. The Taliban have conducted more raids targeting Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) in Mazar-e Sharif, northern Afghanistan’s largest city, over the past three weeks than in the rest of 2023 combined. ISKP is expanding to areas in northern Afghanistan where CTP has not previously observed ISKP activity. The Taliban supreme leader is planning to purge suspected ISKP sympathizers in the Taliban’s ranks, which may reduce ISKP’s ability to attack high-value Taliban targets. This purge risks further marginalizing non-Pashtun Taliban leaders and increasing support for anti-Taliban groups, including ISKP.

Assessments:

Iraq and Syria. The Kurdish Peshmerga and ISF are unlikely to overcome coordination issues across the line of control between Iraqi Kurdistan and federal Iraq due to long-running territorial disputes, which is likely to enable ISIS to sustain its low-grade insurgency in eastern Iraq. ISIS retains support zones and freedom of movement in the vicinity of Iraq’s DIB, areas that are disputed between Iraq’s federal government and Iraqi Kurdistan. The 2005 Iraqi constitution stipulated these regions would be given to federal Iraq or the Kurdistan Region based on a popular referendum that did not occur.[1] ISIS has supply lines through these areas from Ninewa province into mountainous terrain in Kirkuk, Salah al Din, and Diyala provinces that are difficult for security forces to access and patrol.[2] Mistrust between the Peshmerga and ISF—particularly in areas along the line of control where Iran-backed militias are garrisoned—undermines effective coordination between the forces.[3] Political frictions between the two principal Kurdistan Regional Government parties that control different Peshmerga brigades may also impose bandwidth constraints on the Peshmerga.[4]  

ISIS uses gaps between the Iraqi federal government and KRG lines of control to move people and supplies and stage attacks.[5] The gap between the Peshmerga and ISF is most pronounced between northern Kirkuk and Kifri, Diyala province.[6] ISIS cells use this area to conduct attacks into Kirkuk city and harass locals. ISIS ambushed three Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) fighters in central Kirkuk city on February 27 before engaging a Federal Police patrol that responded to the attack.[7] The group also kidnapped and ransomed two shepherds and brutally executed a third north of Tuz Khurmatu in early March 2023.[8] ISIS’s ability to kidnap and then hide their victims suggests the existence of safe zones that are not permissible for ISF. Kurdish Peshmerga officials reported on March 3 that ISIS built “outposts” in mountainous areas north of Tuz Khurmatu, Salah al Din province, and Kifri, Diyala province.[9] ISIS also redeployed an unknown number of fighters from Khanaqin, Diyala province to the Tuz Khurmatu-Kifri area on April 3.[10]

Figure 1. ISIS Activity in Iraq’s Disputed Internal Boundaries


Note: Some of the locations on this map are approximate. CTP defines “attacks” as kinetic activity, including assassinations, armed assaults on military positions, executions, and bombings. “Activity” includes all forms of ISIS activity, including attacks, force movements, and reports of governance activity like zakat collection. ISIS does not generally report on these non-kinetic activities and does not claim all of its attacks.

Source: Brian Carter and the Institute for the Study of War.

Northeastern Syria. The SDF’s Internal Security Forces (InSF) stated they repulsed a double suicide vest (SVEST) attack targeting an InSF headquarters in Al Nashwa neighborhood, Hasakah city, Syria, on March 31.[11] ISIS claimed an attack on the same day in Al Nashwa neighborhood, but claimed the two fighters used small arms to engage an SDF position and did not mention the SVEST attack.[12] The InSF published photographs of both dead fighters.[13]

The attack demonstrates the presence of a capable network of ISIS attack cells in northeastern Syria’s urban centers. This most recent attack was only 2.5 kilometers from Al Sina’a prison, home to 3,500 veteran ISIS fighters and the site of a January 2022 ISIS prison break that freed up to 300 ISIS fighters.[14] ISIS likely retains a network of safe houses and informants that enable it to sustain its attacks and networks in Hasakah city. The SDF has repeatedly attempted to clear southern Hasakah city, most recently in March 2023.[15]

ISIS previously attacked an InSF headquarters in Raqqa city in a double SVEST attack to free prisoners in December 2022.[16] The group did not advertise their intent to free prisoners during the attack, though opposition and SDF media cited ISIS prisoners as the attack’s target.[17] ISIS said the December attack was revenge for the death of ISIS’s so-called caliph in October 2022 and the ISIS supporters in Al Hol internally displaced persons camp.[18] ISIS aims to free prisoners to generate forces to escalate its insurgency against the SDF and Syrian regime.[19]

For more on the risk of an ISIS resurgence and SDF capabilities, see Brian Carter’s “Ending the US Presence in Syria Could Cause a Rapid ISIS Reconstitution and Threaten Core US National Security Interests.”

Figure 2. ISIS Attacks and SDF Clearing Operations in Hasakah City


Source: Brian Carter.

Northwestern Syria. US Central Command (CENTCOM) killed senior ISIS leader Khalid ‘Aydd Ahmed al Jabouri in a drone strike in northwest Syria on April 3.[20] CENTCOM conducted the drone strike unilaterally. CENTCOM said Jabouri was responsible for planning attacks against Turkey and Europe and “developed” ISIS’s structure in Turkey.[21]

Northwestern Syria remains highly permissive for ISIS senior en—dash leadership due to a combination of demographic and political factors. The Turkish-backed militants controlling parts of northwestern Syria recruit former ISIS fighters and host former ISIS commanders.[22] The presence of internally displaced persons in northwestern Syria makes it difficult for groups opposed to ISIS, such as Hayat Tahrir al Sham (HTS), to target ISIS.[23] Locals cannot identify suspicious individuals for counter-ISIS forces because of the constant movements of people. HTS has conducted moderately successful counterterrorism operations against ISIS in HTS-controlled areas.[24]

Figure 3. The Salafi-Jihadi Movement in the Middle East


Source: Kathryn Tyson.

Burkina Faso. The Burkinabe junta conducted nearly three times as many drone strikes against al Qaeda and Islamic State–linked militants in late March 2023 as it did in the previous six months.[25] The junta has turned to drone strikes to compensate for manpower capacity limitations and to boost the junta’s popular support. The drone strikes are targeting remote, rural areas on the periphery of the country to project force into insurgent havens that have little government presence outside of besieged towns.[26] Government-controlled media has also heavily circulated videos of the strikes, which signals that the junta seeks to use the strikes to boost its popular support and demonstrate its competency to Burkinabe civilians.[27] Several strikes provided military and symbolic value for the junta by targeting areas where al Qaeda–linked Jama’at wa Nusrat wa al Muslimeen (JNIM) and the Islamic State’s Sahara Province (ISGS) inflicted heavy casualties on Burkinabe forces and civilians in February 2023.[28] Burkina Faso conducted the drone strikes with Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drones and relies on Turkey for the missiles. Burkina Faso’s defense expenditures are sufficient to cover the cost of the munitions.[29]

The drone strikes may temporarily degrade JNIM and ISGS support zones and havens where JNIM and ISGS have headquarters, affecting the groups’ communications and ability to organize large-scale attacks.[30]The higher frequency of drone strikes will also make it riskier for militants to gather in large numbers, which will degrade JNIM’s and ISGS’s ability to stage large-scale ambushes on convoys and security installations.[31]

Both groups are likely to adjust their operations to continue attacks on Burkinabe forces. The Islamic State’s West Africa Province in Nigeria adapted to increased air pressure by moving in smaller groups and attacking more often, which enabled it to strengthen its control over rural areas where the army did not regularly operate.[32]

The junta’s use of drone strikes will not address the inherent manpower shortage that constrains Burkina Faso’s counterinsurgency operations, which will likely allow the militants to continue relocating and returning to previously vacated areas.[33] Manpower capacity limitations have prevented Burkinabe forces from supplementing most strikes with timely and sustained ground activity.[34] The Burkinabe security forces only have 6,400 army members and 4,200 gendarmeries to secure the country.[35] The junta has heavily invested in auxiliary militias to try and address the shortage, but the militias have limited training and have carried out human rights abuses that alienate citizens and feed the insurgency.[36]

Figure 4. Burkina Faso Increases Drone Strikes


Source: Liam Karr.

Mali. JNIM has continued an offensive in the region surrounding Mali’s capital that began in January 2023, demonstrating it has the ability to sustain attacks in southern Mali.[37] JNIM attacked Malian security forces eight times in January along the main roads leading to the Malian capital after only attacking once in the area in last quarter of 2022.[38] The group has largely continued this rate and target pattern through February and March.[39]

JNIM’s ability to sustain this offensive raises CTP’s confidence in the assessment that the group has likely established support zones in the Koulikoro region, north of the capital.[40] JNIM militants had previously concentrated their activity in Koulikoro in the northeast part of the region since 2018 and had relative freedom of movement there by early 2022.[41] None of the attacks in 2023 have been in this area. JNIM has instead increased attacks around the town of Nara in north-central Koulikoro, which indicates the group has established havens in northeastern Koulikoro that it is using to stage attacks.[42] Unverified social media claims also say the group has refuges in forested areas in southeastern Koulikoro that it is using to orchestrate attacks on roads east of the capital.[43]

CTP continues to assess that JNIM primarily seeks to disrupt lines of communication in southern Mali and discredit the Malian junta with this offensive. Many of the attacks have targeted security forces in towns along the roads to the Malian capital.[44] This pattern demonstrates a concerted effort to challenge security forces’ ability to travel throughout the region. JNIM has also regularly framed the proximity of several attacks to the capital as a challenge to the junta’s authority and a sign of the junta’s failure to contain the group.[45] This argument undermines the junta, given that its legitimacy is rooted in combating the Salafi-jihadi threat after it rose to power following successive coups that occurred after months of nonviolent protests over corruption and instability stemming from the Salafi-jihadi insurgency and other security challenges.[46]

JNIM is more likely to attack military targets than civilian targets as part of this campaign. JNIM has only targeted Malian security forces in southern Mali in 2023.[47] JNIM’s most recent large-scale attack in the area in July 2022 also targeted the major Malian army base in Kati.[48] The group has threatened attacks in the capital in recent years but has not conducted any major terror attacks there since 2015.[49] This focus on Malian military targets is likely a conscious strategic choice by JNIM, as it realizes that high-profile attacks in areas with international populations could provoke an international intervention that has a net negative impact on its goals.[50] However, the US and European countries are unlikely to reengage militarily in Mali, given their poor relations with the junta and the French withdrawal in 2022. This reality could embolden JNIM to pursue more brazen attacks.[51]

Figure 5. JNIM Sustains Attacks Surrounding Mali’s Capital


Source: Liam Karr.

Figure 6. The Salafi-Jihadi Movement in Africa


Source: Kathryn Tyson.

Afghanistan. The Taliban has conducted more raids targeting ISKP in Mazar-e Sharif, northern Afghanistan’s largest city, over the past three weeks than in the rest of 2023 combined.[52] The recent ISKP assassination of a senior Taliban leader and the former governor of Balkh may have contributed to the Taliban’s decision to launch a crackdown on ISKP in northern Afghanistan.[53] The Taliban conducted multiple simultaneous raids that killed ISKP leaders in Mazar-e Sharif on March 17 and March 26.[54] The March 17 raid reportedly killed multiple Uzbekistan and Tajikistan nationals, suggesting ISKP’s effort to recruit from Uzbekistan and Tajikistan is seeing some success.[55] The March 26 raid reportedly killed a top ideologue and former interim leader of ISKP and an ISKP Tajikistan national in charge of bomb making and military training.[56] Not all Taliban raids may be killing ISKP militants. The former Afghan Republic Balkh governor claimed that Taliban raids were killing local civilians and calling them ISKP.[57] As CTP previously assessed, aggressive Taliban targeting of ISKP could result in significant civilian casualties, which ends up strengthening ISKP over time.[58]

The Taliban government is conducting information operations to support its counter-ISKP efforts that likely exaggerate the Taliban’s recent success against ISKP. The Taliban intelligence service leaked an audio recording of ISKP leader Sanaullah Ghafari mourning the death of a top ISKP ideologue, saying “there [are] few ISKP leaders remaining.”[59] Former Afghan security officials reportedly confirmed the voice in the audio clip was Ghafari.[60] Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid claimed the Taliban has imprisoned 1,600–1,700 ISKP militants and killed more than 1,100 since August 2021.[61] These numbers are more than ISKP’s total strength as assessed by the United States and the United Nation’s Security Council.[62] The Taliban has previously downplayed ISKP’s presence in Afghanistan, at times outright denying the existence of ISKP.[63]

The increase in Taliban raids may be due to ISKP’s stronger position in northern Afghanistan. US CENTCOM commander Gen. Michael Kurilla testified on March 16 and March 24 that ISKP is stronger in 2023 than 2022 and could conduct attacks against US assets or interests abroad within six months.[64] Taliban raids against suspected ISKP militants in Sheberghan, Jowzjan Province turned up weapons caches, including suicide vests.[65] ISKP has not previously operated in this area, but the presence of suicide vests could indicate it was preparing to conduct attacks there. This indicates ISKP is continuing to expand its presence in northern Afghanistan despite increasing Taliban pressure.

Taliban Supreme Leader Hibatullah Akhundzada is planning to purge suspected ISKP sympathizers within Taliban ranks.[66] The Taliban deputy defense minister spoke about the need to remove anti-Taliban elements from the Taliban’s ranks in early February and late March.[67] Purging ISKP sympathizers could reduce ISKP’s ability to penetrate Taliban security measures and conduct attacks on high-value Taliban targets. Suspected ISKP sympathizers purged from the Taliban may join ISKP, providing new recruits. The Taliban’s marginalization of Uzbek Taliban commanders has previously led to protests and contributed to some Uzbek Taliban members joining ISKP.[68]

ISKP may respond to increased Taliban pressure by undertaking an operational pause to rebuild its leadership and improve security for its commanders. In a most dangerous scenario, the Taliban’s internal purge and increased marginalization of non-Pashtun Taliban members could provide an opening for ISKP to build support among local communities in northern Afghanistan. This would potentially help ISKP leaders avoid Taliban counter-ISKP operations.  

 Figure 7. The Salafi-Jihadi Movement in Central and South Asia


Source: Kathryn Tyson.

Figure 8. TTP Attacks and Pakistani Operations Against The TTP


Source: Kathryn Tyson.

Other Updates

Pakistan. The Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) killed a deputy police chief in a complex attack in northwestern Pakistan on March 29.[69] The TTP ambushed a police station and injured six police officials in Lakki Marwat. An improvised explosive device (IED) detonated on the deputy police chief’s vehicle, killing the chief and three other officials on board.[70] The TTP frequently conduct small-arms assaults or IED attacks in the city, but the coordinated ambush and IED attack demonstrates a tactical complexity unlike recent TTP attacks in the area.


[1] ttps://eprints.lse.ac.uk/100100/3/DIBsReport.pdf; https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Iraq_2005.pdf?lang=en 

[2] https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-february-1-2023 

[3] https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/back-basics-us-iraq-security-cooperation-post-combat-era

[4] https://www.aei.org/op-eds/stop-funding-the-iraqi-kurdish-peshmerga%EF%BF%BC

[5] https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-february-1-2023

[6] https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/back-basics-us-iraq-security-cooperation-post-combat-era  

[7] https://jihadology.net/wp-content/uploads/_pda/2023/03/The-Islamic-State-al-Naba%CC%84-Newsletter-380.pdf 

[8] https://www.rudawarabia dot net/arabic/middleeast/iraq/120320239; https://shafaq dot com/ar/%D8%A3%D9%85%D9%80%D9%86/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D8%A8%D9%84-%D9%81%D8%AF%D9%8A%D8%A9-%D9%85%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%8A%D8%A9-%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%B9%D8%B4-%D9%8A%D9%81%D8%B1%D8%AC-%D8%B9%D9%86-%D8%A7%D8%AB%D9%86%D9%8A%D9%86-%D9%85%D9%86-%D8%B1%D8%B9%D8%A7%D8%A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%BA%D9%86%D8%A7%D9%85-%D8%A8%D9%8A%D9%86-%D9%83%D9%88%D8%B1%D8%AF%D8%B3%D8%AA%D8%A7%D9%86-%D9%88%D8%B5%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AD-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86 

[9] https://shafaq dot com/ar/%D8%A3%D9%85%D9%80%D9%86/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A8%D9%8A%D8%B4%D9%85%D8%B1%D9%83%D8%A9-%D8%AA%D8%AD%D8%B0%D8%B1-%D9%85%D9%86-%D9%85%D8%B5%D8%A7-%D8%AF-%D9%85%D9%88%D8%AA-%D8%A8%D9%8A%D9%86-%D9%82%D9%84%D9%8A%D9%85-%D9%83%D9%88%D8%B1%D8%AF%D8%B3%D8%AA%D8%A7%D9%86-%D9%88%D9%85%D8%AD%D8%A7%D9%81%D8%B8%D8%A9-%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A12 

[10]https://shafaq dot com/ar/%D8%A3%D9%85%D9%80%D9%86/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A8%D9%8A%D8%B4%D9%85%D8%B1%D9%83%D8%A9-%D8%AA-%D8%B4%D8%B1-%D9%81%D8%B1%D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%A7-%D8%AC%D9%85%D8%A7%D8%B9%D9%8A%D8%A7-%D9%84%D9%80-%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%B9%D8%B4-%D8%A8%D9%8A%D9%86-%D8%AE%D8%A7%D9%86%D9%82%D9%8A%D9%86-%D9%88%D9%83%D9%88%D8%B1%D8%AF%D8%B3%D8%AA%D8%A7%D9%86

[11] https://asayish dot com/2023/03/31/%d8%a5%d9%84%d9%89-%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%a5%d8%b9%d9%84%d8%a7%d9%85-%d9%88%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%b1%d8%a3%d9%8a-%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%b9%d8%a7%d9%85-ji-capemeni-u-raya-gisti-re

[12] Source for ISIS claim available on request.

[13] https://asayish dot com/2023/03/31/%d8%a5%d9%84%d9%89-%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%a5%d8%b9%d9%84%d8%a7%d9%85-%d9%88%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%b1%d8%a3%d9%8a-%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%b9%d8%a7%d9%85-ji-capemeni-u-raya-gisti-re

[14] https://www.mei.edu/publications/closer-look-isis-attack-syrias-al-sina-prison#:~:text=Al%2DSina%20Prison%20houses%20about,only%20prison%20holding%20ISIS%20detainees. 

[15] https://www.alaraby dot co.uk/politics/%D9%82%D8%B3%D8%AF-%D8%AA%D8%B4%D9%86-%D8%AD%D9%85%D9%84%D8%A9-%D8%AF%D9%87%D9%85-%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%B9%D8%AA%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84-%D9%81%D9%8A-%D8%BA%D9%88%D9%8A%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%86-%D8%A8%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AD%D8%B3%D9%83%D8%A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%88%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%A9; https://alsharqia24 dot com/?p=4002

[16] https://twitter.com/DeirEzzore/status/1607308311535456262?s=20&t=J3TDBgiPAd6CGX3SdOHEtQ; source for ISIS claims available on request. 

[17] https://twitter.com/DeirEzzore/status/1607308311535456262?s=20&t=J3TDBgiPAd6CGX3SdOHEtQ

[18] Source for ISIS claims available on request.

[19] https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/isis-will-leverage-improved-attack-capabilities-to-generate-forces-in-syria 

[20] https://abcnews.go.com/US/us-strike-kills-isis-senior-leader-syria/story?id=98343372

[21] https://www.centcom.mil/MEDIA/PRESS-RELEASES/Press-Release-View/Article/3350738/strike-kills-isis-leader-in-syria

[22] https://rojavainformationcenter dot com/2022/07/the-syrian-national-army-the-turkish-proxy-militias-of-northern-syria

[23] https://www.crisisgroup.org/middle-east-north-africa/east-mediterranean-mena/syria/239-containing-transnational-jihadists-syrias

[24] https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/jihadi-counterterrorism-hayat-tahrir-al-sham-versus-islamic-state 

[25] Author’s research.

[26] https://civil-protection-humanitarian-aid.ec.europa.eu/news-stories/stories/burkina-faso-eu-launches-humanitarian-air-bridge-alleviate-suffering-blockaded-towns_en; https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-february-22-2023

[27] https://twitter.com/Danoumis_Traore/status/1642264508327493634?s=21; https://twitter.com/Danoumis_Traore/status/1642264508327493634?s=22; https://twitter.com/Danoumis_Traore/status/1642645067629248519?s=20

[28] https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/least-51-soldiers-killed-north-burkina-faso-attack-friday-army-says-2023-02-20; https://twitter.com/ocisse691/status/1628492877742440451?s=20; https://www.africanews.com/2023/03/08/burkina-at-least-60-dead-in-partiaga-attack; https://twitter.com/Dsiribie/status/1640140089761120257?s=20; https://twitter.com/Dsiribie/status/1632522527405744129?s=20

[29] https://www.military dot africa/2022/09/burkina-faso-buys-5-bayraktar-tb2-drones-from-turkey; https://www.defense dot gov.bf/accueil/actualites/details?tx_news_pi1%5Baction%5D=detail&tx_news_pi1%5Bcontroller%5D=News&tx_news_pi1%5Bnews%5D=197&cHash=a5ea08836b34c513f08d89bd529cc263; https://www.iiss.org/publications/the-military-balance/the-military-balance-2022; https://mil.in.ua/en/news/ukraine-to-receive-turkish-ammunition-for-bayraktar-tb2-from-lithuania; https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/MS.MIL.XPND.CD?locations=BF

[30] https://twitter.com/EliasuAlhaji/status/1642077106044653569?s=20; https://twitter.com/AlerteTemoin/status/1641915816760291330?s=20

[31] https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-50326743; https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-57368536; https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/11/17/burkina-faso-death-toll-security-post-attack-jumps-to-53; https://www.voanews.com/a/al-qaida-branch-claims-attack-on-burkina-faso-convoy-dozens-killed-/6775975.html; https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/least-51-soldiers-killed-north-burkina-faso-attack-friday-army-says-2023-02-20

[32] https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/west-africa/nigeria/after-shekau-confronting-jihadists-nigerias-north-east

[33] Author’s research.

[34] Author’s research.

[35] https://www.iiss.org/publications/the-military-balance/the-military-balance-2022

[36] https://jamestown.org/program/mass-civilian-defense-force-recruitment-raises-jihadist-threat-to-civilians-in-burkina-faso

[37] https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-january-18-2023

[38] https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-january-18-2023

[39] Author’s research.

[40] https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-january-18-2023

[41] https://www.rfi.fr/fr/afrique/20181108-mali-armee-situation-Banamba-poussee-jihadiste; https://maliactu dot net/operation-militaire-le-gtia1-keletigui-mene-sa-1ere-offensive-dans-les-localites-du-cercle-de-banamba; https://actuburkina dot net/operation-keletigui-1-les-fama-determinees-a-venir-a-bout-du-terrorisme

[42] https://twitter.com/ocisse691/status/1614013856082235392?s=20&t=ORnDq7h_EGB8MDxbbyxq3g; https://twitter.com/SimNasr/status/1623416669237579776?s=20&t=f3Pts2PVC-HDMiyvGsmUNA; https://twitter.com/SimNasr/status/1632035799406465027?s=20; SITE Intelligence Group, “JNIM Claims Attacks Against Malian Army in Ségou and Koulikoro,” March 23, 2023, available by subscription at www.siteintelgroup.com

[43] https://twitter.com/SahelLeaks/status/1615109616530034688

[44] https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-january-18-2023

[45] https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-january-18-2023

[46] https://www.abc27.com/international/thousands-in-malis-capital-demand-that-president-step-down

[47] Author’s research.

[48] https://www.voanews.com/a/al-qaida-affiliate-claims-attack-on-mali-s-main-military-base-/6671461.html

[49] https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-january-18-2023

[50] https://www.criticalthreats.org/briefs/africa-file/africa-file-Malian-Army-Abuses-Will-Strengthen-Salafi-Jihadis-in-Central-Mali

[51] https://theglobalobservatory.org/2022/04/what-are-the-international-military-options-for-the-sahel; https://www.cfr.org/blog/malis-junta-sees-enemies-everywhere; https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/sahel/mali/b185-mali-eviter-le-piege-de-lisolement; https://www.voanews.com/a/french-forces-complete-departure-from-mali-/6702201.html

[52] Author’s research.

[53] https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-64899335

[54] https://twitter.com/AfghanAnalyst2/status/1636991464801443843; https://twitter.com/GDI1415/status/1640052881041633281; https://twitter.com/abdsayedd/status/1640055553987600385

[55] https://thediplomat.com/2022/08/islamic-state-khorasans-expanded-vision-in-south-and-central-asia

[56] https://twitter.com/cozyduke_apt29/status/1640062258087882752

[57] https://twitter.com/Mukhtarwafayee/status/1643244429577256962

[58] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-march-8-2023

[59] https://twitter.com/abdsayedd/status/1642605418177241090 ; https://www.voanews.com/a/is-khorasan-leader-in-alleged-audio-message-discusses-afghanistan-losses-/7034359.html

[60] https://twitter.com/abdsayedd/status/1642795530538430468

[61] https://www dot khaama dot com/daesh-is-not-a-major-threat-to-afghanistan-mujahid; https://8am dot media/eng/taliban-spokesman-accuses-some-countries-of-using-isis-against-taliban-in-afghanistan

[62] https://www.csis.org/blogs/examining-extremism/examining-extremism-islamic-state-khorasan-province-iskp ; https://media.defense.gov/2022/May/17/2002998795/-1/-1/1/LEAD%20INSPECTOR%20GENERAL%20FOR%20OPERATION%20FREEDOM%E2%80%99S%20SENTINEL%20AND%20OPERATION%20ENDURING%20SENTINEL%20-%20JANUARY%201,%202022%20%E2%80%93%20MARCH%2031,%202022.PDF

[63] https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-59080871; https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/ap-interview-taliban-seek-ties-us-foes-81717145; https://twitter.com/TOLOnews/status/1446141183781179401

[64] https://www.centcom.mil/MEDIA/Transcripts/Article/3340646/house-armed-services-committee-hearing-us-military-posture-and-national-securit; https://twitter.com/Natsecjeff/status/1636369656956211200

[65] https://www dot khaama dot com/security-forces-discover-isis-weaponry-mine-making-center-in-northern-afghanistan; https://twitter.com/AfghanAnalyst2/status/1639930692329930752

[66] https://www dot independentpersian dot com/node/317361

[67] https://twitter.com/BakhtarNA/status/1640993543224164353

[68] https://www.iswresearch.org/2022/01/intelligence-information-report-uzbek.html

[69] https://www dot geo dot tv/latest/479282-lakki-marwat-terror-attack-leaves-four-cops-dead

[70] https://www.voanews.com/a/pakistani-taliban-kill-4-police-officers-injure-6-/7028516.html


 

Thursday, March 30, 2023

Salafi-Jihadi Movement Weekly Update, March 29, 2023

Authors: Brian Carter, Liam Karr, Kathryn Tyson, and Peter Mills

To receive the Salafi-Jihadi Movement Weekly Update via email, please subscribe here. Follow CTP on TwitterLinkedIn, and Facebook.

Data Cutoff: March 29, 2023, at 10 a.m.

Contributor: Sophie Small

Key Takeaways:

Iraq and Syria. ISIS remains a viable insurgency in Syria that aspires to reestablish a territorial caliphate. The US presence in Syria enables the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) to maintain sufficient pressure to prevent ISIS’s insurgency from increasing in strength rapidly, but deficiencies in the SDF’s capabilities and a lack of coordination with counterinsurgent forces in regime-held Syria means the SDF is unlikely to be able to defeat ISIS. The SDF remains the most reliable counter-ISIS partner for the United States in Syria. The Syrian regime is incapable of containing ISIS and often tacitly allows ISIS resurgence in select areas.

Somalia. Al Qaeda’s Somali affiliate al Shabaab has retained its vehicle-borne improvised explosive device (VBIED) capabilities in central Somalia, which could help it overturn recent counterterrorism gains. The group will likely continue manufacturing VBIEDs because Somali counterterrorism forces cannot adequately disrupt its supply chains and likely lack the capacity to degrade its havens in the area as the government gives more priority to opening a second front in southern Somalia. Al Shabaab will likely use VBIEDs to target and overrun vulnerable holding forces. Meanwhile, seasonal flooding in Somalia could affect the timeline and scope of the next phase of the Somali Federal Government’s (SFG) offensive in southern Somalia.

Mali. An al Qaeda–linked shadow governor in northern Mali indirectly threatened to attack the US, UK, and EU countries, underscoring the transnational Salafi-jihadi threat emanating from the Sahel. CTP continues to assess that the al Qaeda–linked group in the Sahel is unlikely to pursue transnational attack targets in the West in the near future, although there are signs and past patterns that indicate this could change. The group’s growing freedom in northern Mali increases its ability to host and support transnational attack cells, should it choose to pursue such aims.

Pakistan. The integration of new groups into the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) could foreshadow TTP attacks in high-population areas, which would likely have a more deadly and destructive effect and pressure the Pakistani military to respond. The TTP has increasingly integrated independent jihadi groups into its fold since December 2022. The groups likely have not previously played a major role in TTP, unlike TTP splinter groups that rejoined it between 2020 and 2021. However, the location in which the new mergers operate poses a challenge to the Pakistani government.

Afghanistan. The Taliban supreme leader removed the Taliban minister of finance, which may open new rifts in the Taliban’s traditional support base. The Taliban supreme leader’s efforts to form his own military forces may exacerbate concerns he is monopolizing power and further escalate Taliban government infighting.

Assessments:

Iraq and Syria. During a House hearing on March 23, US Central Command Commander Gen. Michael Kurilla said ISIS would return as an effective military organization within one to two years without a US presence in Syria, in line with previous CTP assessments.[1] The US presence in Syria enables the SDF to contain ISIS and the group’s insurgency at a low level. The United States provides intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance training and special operations capabilities to the SDF that improve the SDF’s effectiveness in containing ISIS.[2] A US withdrawal would strip the SDF of those enabling functions, exacerbating its capabilities to target key ISIS leaders who plan sophisticated attacks and run ISIS’s military organization. This would allow ISIS to rapidly reconstitute its military strength within one to two years, as highlighted by Kurilla.[3]

ISIS remains a viable insurgency in Syria that aims to create a territorial caliphate in Iraq and Syria. ISIS is not merely a terrorist organization coordinating attacks against the West, even though the group continues to use Syria to plan external attacks and coordinate its global movement.[4] ISIS is also attempting to impose its governance on the population along the Euphrates River in Deir ez Zor by collecting zakat, enforcing dress codes, encouraging defections from the SDF, and assassinating SDF fighters who do not comply with ISIS’s orders to defect.[5] ISIS previously coerced defections from the Iraqi Awakening Movement under threat of assassination during its reconstitution in Iraq in the early 2010s.[6]

The SDF faces constraints on its counter-ISIS operations caused by external factors and capability limitations. The SDF prioritizes threats to Kurdish communities in northeastern Syria from Iranian-backed militias, the Syrian regime, and Turkey over joint efforts with the United States to counter ISIS.[7] The SDF paused counter-ISIS operations during heightened tensions with Turkey in December 2022, allowing ISIS to reconstitute.[8] Iranian and regime-backed militia sleeper cells also attack SDF personnel throughout northeastern Syria, unintentionally assisting ISIS’s own campaigns.[9]

The SDF also faces significant limitations, particularly in Arab-majority areas. SDF counterinsurgency approaches often involve arbitrary arrests and looting or unnecessary destruction of private property.[10] Some SDF commanders avoid punishment for abuse of local civilians.[11] Grievances caused by these actions inadvertently assist ISIS’s ability to cultivate support and strengthen the group’s insurgency. A lack of coordination between the SDF and the Syrian regime across the line of control between northeastern Syria and regime-controlled Syria also imperils the SDF’s ability to defeat or destroy ISIS. The SDF and the regime intermittently fight over smuggling routes along the line of control.[12] Fighting between the two parties inhibits their ability to coordinate to secure the Euphrates. ISIS is capable of retreating to regime-held Syria across the Euphrates River when under significant US and SDF pressure.

The Syrian regime and its partners are exponentially less capable than the SDF, despite the aforementioned factors. The Syrian regime is incapable of conducting effective counterinsurgency operations that would contain ISIS and often tacitly allows ISIS resurgence in select areas. The ISIS caliph was inadvertently discovered in southwestern Syria, two years after the Syrian regime claimed it had cleared southwestern Syria of ISIS.[13] The regime has historically enabled ISIS’s resurgence in select areas—including Deraa province—to undermine anti-regime elements and support regime narratives.[14] A US withdrawal from Syria would allow the regime and its partners to move into northeastern Syria.[15] The regime would replicate the behavior it demonstrated elsewhere in Syria, moving to eliminate opposition forces by any means necessary, including tacit cooperation with ISIS. Local groups accused the regime of permitting ISIS freedom of movement in southwestern Syria in fall 2022.[16]

Figure 1. ISIS Activity in Syria

Note: Some of the locations on this map are approximate. CTP defines “attacks” as kinetic activity, including assassinations, armed assaults on military positions, executions, and bombings. “Activity” includes all forms of ISIS activity, including attacks, force movements, and reports of governance activity like zakat collection. ISIS does not generally report on these non-kinetic activities and does not claim all of its attacks.

Source: Brian Carter.

Figure 2. The Salafi-Jihadi Movement in the Middle East

Source: Kathryn Tyson.

Somalia. Al Shabaab has maintained its VBIED capabilities in central Somalia, despite the group’s losses during the SFG’s offensive between June 2022 and January 2023. Al Shabaab launched a complex attack using a suicide vehicle-borne improvised explosive device (SVBIED) that overran a local militia base on March 21.[17] The group had not used VBIEDs in central Somalia since conducting a series of coordinated attacks in January 2022.[18] Al Shabaab likely used explosives and materials stored in areas Somali forces now control or contest in the January attacks, given the close proximity of the attacks to when Somali forces entered areas with known al Shabaab weapon stockpiles.[19] The gap between the January VBIED surge and the March attack infers that al Shabaab has retained the expertise and logistical resources necessary to build VBIEDs in central Somalia despite the SFG offensive.

Al Shabaab will likely maintain its VBIED capabilities in central Somalia because the SFG cannot sufficiently disrupt its supply chains or degrade havens where the group constructs VBIEDs. Al Shabaab primarily acquires explosive material and other weapons via smuggling networks that run throughout the country and extend to the Gulf of Aden.[20] Corruption and al Shabaab infiltration have severely restricted the SFG’s ability to disrupt these smuggling networks, even when they operate out of seaports in major government-controlled cities.[21] Al Shabaab also gets smaller amounts of explosive material when looting the bases it overruns.[22] The SFG also is opening a new front in southern Somalia, which likely will reduce its capacity to take and hold territory crucial to al Shabaab in central Somalia.[23]

Al Shabaab’s VBIED capabilities could enable the group to recoup some of its losses in central Somalia. Al Shabaab has historically used SVBIEDs to breach security-force bases.[24] The SFG has relied on a mix of Somali National Army troops and clan militia that are ill-prepared to defend against these attacks to serve as holding forces in central Somalia.[25] These forces are susceptible to al Shabaab SVBIED attacks, given they have comparatively less training, worse equipment, and more limited access to drone support than Somali special forces, which al Shabaab has overrun using the SVBIED tactic as recently as January 2023.[26] The March 21 attack demonstrated the holding forces are vulnerable to complex al Shabaab attacks involving SVBIEDs.[27]

Figure 3. Somali Forces and al Shabaab Conflict in Central Somalia: January–March 2023

Source: Liam Karr and the Hiraal Institute.

Southern Somalia. The early arrival of Somalia’s rainy season and the resulting flooding could delay the next phase of the SFG’s offensive in southern Somalia. Somali and international officials have reiterated that Somali forces will launch phase two of its offensive in southern Somalia soon.[28] Somali officials have branded the impending campaign as a Ramadan offensive, and the Somali president officially announced the beginning of the campaign on March 26, although there has been no discernable increase in operations.[29] Heavy rain in southern Somalia and Ethiopia in the last weeks of March has caused flash flooding along the Jubba River in southern Somalia.[30] Somali officials warned that additional rain in the forecast will lead to sustained high river levels and may result in additional flash floods along the river.[31] Previous floodplains in central Somalia indicate that these floods will affect government-controlled roads and towns that Somali forces use in the Lower Jubba region.[32]

The flooding could present an opportunity for Somali and Kenyan forces to target al Shabaab–controlled territory near the Kenyan border. Previous floodplains also indicate the flooding will affect al Shabaab’s logistical and administrative centers in southern Somalia along the Jubba River, which could hinder al Shabaab’s ability to move forces and supplies around southern Somalia.[33] If true, these restrictions would make al Shabaab havens in the Badhadhe district along the Kenyan border more isolated and vulnerable.[34] Somali forces in Lower Jubba could focus on these areas with Kenyan forces, who agreed to participate in offensive operations in January 2023 but have not yet arrived in Somalia.[35]

Figure 4. Al Shabaab Infrastructure and Floodplains in the Lower and Middle Jubba Regions

Source: Liam Karr, UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Food and Agriculture Organization of the UN: Somalia Water and Land Information Management.

Mali. A recent statement from a regional al Qaeda–linked shadow governor underscores that al Qaeda–linked militants in the Sahel could generate a transnational attack threat to the US and Europe. During an interview with an African news blog released on March 22 but dating to February 2023, a shadow governor from al Qaeda’s Sahelian affiliate Jama’at Nusrat wa al Muslimeen (JNIM) threatened to attack any country that fought alongside French and Malian forces.[36] The shadow governor explicitly mentioned the defunct European-led Task Force Takuba and the United Nations mission in Mali as key French partners.[37] This statement justifies attacks on several Western countries, including the US, UK, and numerous EU countries. The shadow governor’s position diverges from the public stance of the al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) emir, who reasserted that JNIM is not preparing for external attacks outside of the Sahel and Africa in an interview released on March 6.[38]

CTP continues to assess that JNIM is unlikely to pursue transnational attacks targeting the West in the near future.[39] It is more likely that JNIM will use northern Mali to support al Qaeda’s activities in neighboring regions—such as the Gulf of Guinea or North African states—where it is less likely to draw a harsh Western response and has preestablished networks.[40] However, there are several indicators that JNIM has transnational aims. It remains affiliated with AQIM, has encouraged global attacks, and has not disavowed global jihad like the former al Qaeda affiliate in Syria.[41] Past patterns also show that groups can rapidly pivot from local to transitional aims and that numerous factors push local groups to pursue or support transnational attacks.[42]

JNIM’s alliances with militia groups in northern Mali will create havens that could host transnational attack cells as JNIM establishes growing sanctuary in the area. During the interview, the JNIM shadow governor oversees northern Mali’s Kidal region and confirmed that the group has a nonaggression pact with former separatist rebel militias and pro-government militias in northern Mali.[43] Multiple sources reported that the JNIM emir had met with leaders of the militias in January 2023 to create a united front against the Islamic State affiliate in the region, which has expanded deeper into northeastern Mali since the withdrawal of French forces in 2022.[44] This is the first time a JNIM official has confirmed the existence of such arrangements. The pact confirms that JNIM is emerging as the primary power broker in northern Mali. The Malian government’s absence from northern Mali makes JNIM the only security partner against Islamic State violence, and JNIM’s strength relative to other actors in northern Mali will likely encourage continued cooperation even if the Islamic State threat subsides.[45]

JNIM Hostage Release. JNIM released an American aid worker and French journalist to Nigerien forces on March 20.[46] The al Qaeda–linked militants had held American Jeffery Woodke since 2016 and Frenchman Olivier Dubois since 2021.[47] Top Nigerien military and political officials played a key role in negotiating the release of the hostages.[48] Previous hostage negotiations with the al Qaeda–linked militants have involved ransoms and prisoner exchanges.[49] The American, French, and Nigerien governments denied that they had paid any ransom or released prisoners.[50]

Figure 5. The Salafi-Jihadi Movement in Africa

Source: Kathryn Tyson.

Pakistan. The integration of new groups into the TTP could foreshadow TTP attacks in high-population areas, which would likely have a more deadly and destructive effect than in other areas and pressure the Pakistani military to respond. The TTP has increasingly integrated independent jihadi groups into its fold since December 2022. Nine militant factions have joined the TTP since December 2022.[51] These mergers represent a third of the total number of mergers into the TTP since July 2020. The TTP released statements announcing these mergers and included pictures of the alleged pledges. CTP cannot verify which groups are joining.

The recent pledges signal that the TTP continues to successfully unify various Pakistani militant groups under its umbrella.[52] There is no publicly available information on the groups’ commanders, suggesting they did not lead factions that previously belonged to the TTP or played influential roles in the TTP. In contrast, previous mergers of TTP splinter groups led by TTP cofounders in 2020 significantly strengthened the group and led to a steep increase in TTP attacks.[53]

The areas where the newly integrated groups operate pose a challenge to the Pakistani military. Several of the groups operate out of densely populated areas, such as Domel in Bannu district. One operates in Bara, a highly populated city near Peshawar that serves as a base for major military subdivisions such as the Peshawar XI corps. Some of these areas also contain fertile land for agricultural production, which Pakistani security forces help secure.[54] These areas are important for Pakistan, as the country is facing an economic crisis and food shortages.[55] The Pakistani military may face more pressure to address TTP activity in these regions compared to several groups in areas in North Waziristan that have also made pledges, which is mountainous and sparsely populated. The TTP has already expanded attacks into population centers with major military infrastructure. The TTP carried out two large-scale attacks in Peshawar and Karachi in January and February respectively and could use mergers to carry out similar attacks.[56]

The likely TTP killing of a senior Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) official on March 20 will also put pressure on Pakistan to take more direct action against the group. This was the second attack on a senior ISI official since January 2023, which the TTP claimed.[57] The TTP may have killed the leader because of his involvement in peace talks between the TTP and Pakistan, which some members of the TTP oppose.[58] The attack demonstrated that the TTP may have known where the official was traveling and when, suggesting the TTP may have inside links to the forces guarding the official.[59]

Afghanistan. Taliban Supreme Leader Hibatullah Akhundzada reassigned the Taliban Finance Minister Hidayatullah Badri to be the head of Afghanistan’s central bank on March 22, after they fought over the distribution of financial resources from Ministry of Finance.[60]Akhundzada was reportedly withdrawing funds from the Finance Ministry to create a new military force composed of Akhundzada’s Noorzai tribe members.[61] Badri also complained about the Taliban government destroying drug labs controlled by Badri’s Ishaqzai tribe.[62] Badri is an important leader among the Ishaqzai tribe and played a crucial role organizing revenue collection during the Taliban insurgency.[63] This effort reportedly empowered Akhundzada's Noorzai tribe at the expense of Badri’s Ishaqzai tribe.[64] Both the Noorzai and Ishaqzai Pashtun tribal communities are important traditional support bases for the Taliban movement.[65] Akhundzada’s recent actions sidelining Badri and targeting the Ishaqzai tribe could lead to new intra-Taliban rifts in its traditional support base.[66]

Other factions beyond the Ishaqzai tribe are agitating against Akhundzada’s efforts to concentrate power. Taliban leaders aligned with the Haqqani Network broke the arm of a minister close to Akhundzada in a March 23 physical altercation.[67] The leader of the Haqqani Network publicly issued a rebuke of Akhundzada for monopolizing power within the Taliban government on February 11.[68] Akhundzada's formation of his own military forces could exacerbate the Haqqani Network’s concerns that Akhundzada is monopolizing power in the government and escalate Taliban infighting.

Figure 6. The Salafi-Jihadi Movement in Central and South Asia

Source: Kathryn Tyson.


[1] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oXRrfzT72bQ&t=4s; https://www.centcom.mil/MEDIA/Transcripts/Article/3340646/house-armed-services-committee-hearing-us-military-posture-and-national-securit/; https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/isis-will-leverage-improved-attack-capabilities-to-generate-forces-in-syria

[2] https://www.dodig.mil/Reports/Lead-Inspector-General-Reports/Article/3290799/lead-inspector-general-for-operation-inherent-resolve-i-quarterly-report-to-the

[3] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oXRrfzT72bQ&t=4s; https://www.centcom.mil/MEDIA/Transcripts/Article/3340646/house-armed-services-committee-hearing-us-military-posture-and-national-securit

[4] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oXRrfzT72bQ&t=4s; https://www.centcom.mil/MEDIA/Transcripts/Article/3340646/house-armed-services-committee-hearing-us-military-posture-and-national-securit

[5] Source available upon request; https://npasyria.com/143361; https://twitter.com/DeirEzzore/status/1572616090194440193?s=20&t=WJOKXfq8tBAtPlGe6d5kxw; https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/74418; https://www.voanews.com/a/is-relies-on-extortion-in-eastern-syria-to-raise-funds-/6785658.html

[6] https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09592318.2020.1713529; https://warontherocks.com/2014/11/war-interrupted-part-i-the-roots-of-the-jihadist-resurgence-in-iraq; https://www.reuters.com/article/uk-iraq-violence-qaeda/iraqs-qaeda-asks-ex-fighters-to-return-threatens-attacks-idUKTRE77800120110809; https://academic.oup.com/book/36890/chapter-abstract/322120155?redirectedFrom=fulltext; https://jamestown.org/program/persuading-the-uncertain-and-punishing-the-recalcitrant-al-qaeda-seeks-to-absorb-iraqs-awakening-council

[7] https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/isis-will-leverage-improved-attack-capabilities-to-generate-forces-in-syria

[8] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oXRrfzT72bQ&t=4s; https://www.centcom.mil/MEDIA/Transcripts/Article/3340646/house-armed-services-committee-hearing-us-military-posture-and-national-securit; https://twitter.com/farhad_shami/status/1595488304425844742?s=20&t=z_RbPD4Lligtg3YFHdhmwA; https://media.defense.gov/2023/Feb/07/2003157209/-1/-1/1/LEAD%20INSPECTOR%20GENERAL%20FOR%20OIR.PDF  

[9] https://www.crisisgroup.org/middle-east-north-africa/east-mediterranean-mena/syria/containing-resilient-isis-central-and-north; https://www.voanews.com/a/extremism-watch_assassinations-highlight-security-challenges-us-backed-forces-eastern-syria/6194278.html; https://www.iswresearch.org/2020/08/anti-isis-coalition-begins-losing.html

[10] http://dierezzorenow.blogspot.com/2022/11/blog-post_95.html; https://twitter.com/GregoryPWaters/status/1635699797494489091?s=20

[11] http://dierezzorenow.blogspot.com/2023/02/5-pkk.html

[12] https://npasyria dot com/127508

[13] https://twitter.com/jseldin/status/1598038646959271937?s=20&t=_-0jsz9GMOz0FVu_dhx5dw; https://twitter.com/Elizrael/status/1598350330068189188

[14] https://www.horanfree.com/?p=12670; https://www.mei.edu/publications/isis-back-open-southern-syria; https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/media/4698

[15] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oXRrfzT72bQ&t=4s; https://www.centcom.mil/MEDIA/Transcripts/Article/3340646/house-armed-services-committee-hearing-us-military-posture-and-national-securit

[16] https://www.horanfree.com/?p=12670; https://www.mei.edu/publications/isis-back-open-southern-syria

[17] https://www.criticalthreats.org/briefs/gulf-of-aden-security-review/gulf-of-aden-security-review-march-22-2023; SITE Intelligence Group, “Shabaab Gives Extensive Photo Documentation for Raid Inflicting 45 Casualties in Middle Shabelle,” March 26, 2023, available by subscription at www.siteintelgroup.com

[18] https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-january-25-2023

[19] https://hiraalinstitute.so/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/Al-Shabaabs-Arsenal-From-Taxes-to-Terror-Web.pdf; https://www.caasimada dot net/deg-deg-ciidamada-df-oo-degmo-cusub-kala-wareegay-al-shabaab; https://www.somalidispatch.com/latest-news/somalia-sna-takes-masagaway

[20] https://hiraalinstitute.so/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/Al-Shabaabs-Arsenal-From-Taxes-to-Terror-Web.pdf

[21] https://enactafrica.org/research/interpol-reports/illicit-goods-trafficking-via-port-and-airport-facilities-in-africa; https://hiraalinstitute.so/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/Al-Shabaabs-Arsenal-From-Taxes-to-Terror-Web.pdf; https://africacenter.org/spotlight/reclaiming-al-shabaabs-revenue

[22] https://hiraalinstitute.so/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/Al-Shabaabs-Arsenal-From-Taxes-to-Terror-Web.pdf

[23] https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-march-8-2023

[24] https://ctc.westpoint.edu/foreign-technology-or-local-expertise-al-shabaabs-ied-capability

[25] https://heritageinstitute.org/security-sector-reform-in-somlia-challenges-and-opportunities/publications; https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/horn-africa/somalia/b187-sustaining-gains-somalias-offensive-against-al-shabaab

[26] https://www.criticalthreats.org/briefs/gulf-of-aden-security-review/gulf-of-aden-security-review-january-20-2023

[27] https://www.radiodalsan dot com/wararka-idaacadda/al-shabaab-oo-shaacisay-tirada-xubnaha-looga-dilay-dagaalkii-ka-dhacay-degaanka-baxdo; https://sonna.so/en/army-official-over-30-al-shabaab-terrorist-militants-killed-in-military-operation

[28] https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-march-8-2023

[29] https://www.garoweonline dot com/en/news/somalia/somalia-to-start-second-phase-of-al-shabaab-crackdown-during-ramadan; https://sonna dot so/en/somali-president-declares-second-phase-of-anti-al-shabab-offensive-operations

[30] https://reliefweb.int/report/somalia/somalia-gu-rainy-season-2023-flash-floods-update-no-1-23-march-2023

[31] https://faoswalim.org/content/juba-river-flood-advisory

[32] https://floodlist.com/africa/somalia-floods-may-2013; https://spatial.faoswalim.org/layers/geonode:Som_Flood_Prone_areas_20200#; https://logcluster.org/document/somalia-flood-affected-roads-24-august-2022

[33] https://floodlist.com/africa/somalia-floods-may-2013; https://spatial.faoswalim.org/layers/geonode:Som_Flood_Prone_areas_20200#; https://hiraalinstitute.so/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/Al-Shabaabs-Arsenal-From-Taxes-to-Terror-Web.pdf

[34] https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-march-8-2023

[35] https://www.voanews.com/a/somalia-s-neighbors-to-send-additional-troops-to-fight-al-shabab-/6986748.html; https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-february-8-2023

[36] https://africanperceptions dot org/ar/2023/03/%d8%b9%d8%ab%d9%85%d8%a7%d9%86-%d8%a7%d9%84%d9%82%d9%8a%d8%b1%d9%88%d8%a7%d9%86%d9%8a-%d9%84%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%b1%d8%a4%d9%89-%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%a7%d9%81%d8%b1%d9%8a%d9%82%d9%8a%d8%a9-%d8%b3%d9%86; SITE Intelligence Group, “Africa-Focused News Blog Interviews JNIM Official on Group’s Mission and Growing Circle of Operations, Attacks in Benin and Togo,” March 24, 2023, available by subscription at www.siteintelgroup.com

[37] https://africanperceptions dot org/ar/2023/03/%d8%b9%d8%ab%d9%85%d8%a7%d9%86-%d8%a7%d9%84%d9%82%d9%8a%d8%b1%d9%88%d8%a7%d9%86%d9%8a-%d9%84%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%b1%d8%a4%d9%89-%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%a7%d9%81%d8%b1%d9%8a%d9%82%d9%8a%d8%a9-%d8%b3%d9%86; SITE Intelligence Group, “Africa-Focused News Blog Interviews JNIM Official on Group’s Mission and Growing Circle of Operations, Attacks in Benin and Togo”; https://greydynamics.com/task-force-takuba-special-forces-in-the-sahel; https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/troop-and-police-contributors

[38] https://www.france24.com/en/middle-east/20230306-al-qaeda-leader-in-north-africa-grants-exclusive-interview-to-france-24; https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-march-8-2023

[39] https://www.criticalthreats.org/briefs/africa-file/africa-file-al-qaeda-linked-militants-take-control-in-northern-mali

[40] https://www.criticalthreats.org/briefs/africa-file/africa-file-al-qaeda-linked-militants-take-control-in-northern-mali; https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-march-8-2023

[41] https://www.aei.org/research-products/report/the-underestimated-insurgency-continued-salafi-jihadi-capabilities-and-opportunities-in-africa; https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/why-it-so-difficult-get-terrorist-list

[42] https://www.aei.org/research-products/report/the-underestimated-insurgency-continued-salafi-jihadi-capabilities-and-opportunities-in-africa

[43] https://africanperceptions dot org/ar/2023/03/%d8%b9%d8%ab%d9%85%d8%a7%d9%86-%d8%a7%d9%84%d9%82%d9%8a%d8%b1%d9%88%d8%a7%d9%86%d9%8a-%d9%84%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%b1%d8%a4%d9%89-%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%a7%d9%81%d8%b1%d9%8a%d9%82%d9%8a%d8%a9-%d8%b3%d9%86; SITE Intelligence Group, “Africa-Focused News Blog Interviews JNIM Official on Group’s Mission and Growing Circle of Operations, Attacks in Benin and Togo”

[44] https://www.rfi.fr/fr/afrique/20230130-mali-iyad-ag-ghaly-rencontre-les-groupes-signataires-de-l-accord-de-paix-pr%C3%A8s-de-kidal; https://www.criticalthreats.org/briefs/africa-file/africa-file-al-qaeda-linked-militants-take-control-in-northern-mali; https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-january-25-2023

[45] https://www.criticalthreats.org/briefs/africa-file/africa-file-al-qaeda-linked-militants-take-control-in-northern-mali

[46] https://www.lepoint.fr/afrique/olivier-dubois-libere-ce-que-l-on-sait-20-03-2023-2512786_3826.php#11; https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2023/03/21/c-est-enorme-pour-moi-d-etre-la-recit-de-la-liberation-d-olivier-dubois-dernier-otage-francais_6166316_3210.html; https://www.rfi.fr/fr/afrique/20230321-lib%C3%A9ration-d-olivier-dubois-et-de-jeffery-woodke-quel-r%C3%B4le-a-jou%C3%A9-le-niger

[47] https://www.lepoint.fr/afrique/olivier-dubois-libere-ce-que-l-on-sait-20-03-2023-2512786_3826.php#11

[48] https://www.jeuneafrique.com/1429157/politique/du-mali-au-niger-comment-olivier-dubois-a-ete-libere; https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2023/03/21/c-est-enorme-pour-moi-d-etre-la-recit-de-la-liberation-d-olivier-dubois-dernier-otage-francais_6166316_3210.html

[49] https://www.france24.com/en/video/20230320-french-journalist-us-aid-worker-kidnapped-in-sahel-are-freed

[50] https://www.rfi.fr/fr/afrique/20230321-lib%C3%A9ration-d-olivier-dubois-et-de-jeffery-woodke-quel-r%C3%B4le-a-jou%C3%A9-le-niger

[51] https://twitter.com/Natsecjeff/status/1603331435280191488; https://twitter.com/zalmayzia/status/1606154486363193344; https://twitter.com/SaleemMehsud/status/1615352417180160001; https://twitter.com/zalmayzia/status/1636204448476286977; https://twitter.com/zalmayzia/status/1636204448476286977; https://twitter.com/cozyduke_apt29/status/1638009421476274176; https://twitter.com/khorasandiary/status/1640706351490912260

[52] https://ctc.westpoint.edu/the-revival-of-the-pakistani-taliban

[53] https://ctc.westpoint.edu/the-revival-of-the-pakistani-taliban

[54] https://www dot nation dot com dot pk/18-Jan-2023/kp-govt-increases-daily-wheat-quota-for-bannu; https://www.rferl.org/a/pakistan-food-crises/32220073.html

[55] https://time.com/6247300/pakistan-food-crisis-climate-change-inflation/ ; https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/3/8/how-skyrocketing-inflation-has-hit-pakistan-most-vulnerable

[56] https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-february-1-2023; https://www.criticalthreats.org/analysis/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-february-22-2023

[57] https://twitter.com/ShabbirTuri/status/1610610220979339265

[58] https://twitter.com/DaudKhattak1/status/1638189128482160641;%20; https://twitter.com/Natsecjeff/status/1620424100236898304

[59] https://twitter.com/IKPeshawar/status/1638213835331870729

[60] https://twitter.com/abdsayedd/status/1638430166312534017https://twitter.com/Zabehulah_M33/status/1638409943937323014

[61] https://8am dot media/ps/nabil-mullah-hibatullah-withdrew-60-billion-afghanis-from-the-ministry-of-finance-to-build-his-personal-army; https://twitter.com/RahmatullahN/status/1637193281611218944

[62] https://twitter.com/MJalal0093/status/1637855472945618947; https://twitter.com/bsarwary/status/1638623004815925287

[63] https://www dot afintl dot com/202303241049

[64] https://twitter.com/bsarwary/status/1638623728434028564

[65] https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/PW110-The-Politics-of-Disarmament-and-Rearmament-in-Afghanistan.pdf

[66] https://www dot afintl dot com/202303241049

[67] https://www dot independentpersian dot com/node/315816; https://twitter.com/bsarwary/status/1638721206227705857

[68] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/salafi-jihadi-movement-weekly-update-february-15-2023